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How Ukraine's Long-Range Drones Are Reshaping the War With Russia

Update log (1)
  • — Published 24 July 2026. Refinery outages, export bans and processing rates all move week to week.
How Ukraine's Long-Range Drones Are Reshaping the War With Russia
Photo by Maksym Kaharlytskyi on Unsplash
Key takeaways
  • On 6 July 2026 Ukraine hit the Omsk refinery in Siberia, roughly 2,500 km beyond the border. On our own mapping, about 90% of Russia’s largest refining capacity now sits inside demonstrated drone range.
  • The most reliable evidence is not either side’s damage claims. It is Moscow’s behaviour: a petrol export ban, then a diesel export ban on 8 July, fuel imports, ration coupons at some stations and record wholesale prices.
  • Independent analysts put Russian refinery runs at 3.91 million barrels a day in July 2026 — the lowest since March 2005, and more than 1.4 million below a year earlier.
  • It is not a knockout. Only about one in ten long-range drones is reported to reach its target, unrefined crude exports have risen to replace lost product exports, and the collapse in Russian oil and gas revenue is driven mainly by prices, not by drones.

On 6 July 2026, Ukrainian drones struck the Omsk refinery in western Siberia — Russia’s largest, processing more than 22 million tonnes of crude a year, and roughly 2,500 km beyond the Ukrainian border. Reporting on the strike noted the drone probably covered more than 3,000 km in the air, because it did not fly in a straight line.

Omsk was described as the last of Russia’s eleven biggest petrol-producing refineries still untouched.

Three years earlier, reaching a Russian airbase 700 km inside the border was a headline. The interesting question now is not how far Ukraine can reach. It is what the reach has actually accomplished — and that is a harder question than most coverage admits, because both governments have every reason to lie about it.

All figures checked on 24 July 2026.

What is now inside range

Map of Russia’s largest oil refineries against Ukraine’s cumulative demonstrated drone reach, showing about 90% of mapped refining capacity inside the July 2026 ring

Reach demonstrated byDistance from KyivDeepest verified strike
End of 20221,097 kmEngels-2 airbase
End of 20241,762 kmSalavat refinery
End of 20251,960 kmOrsk-area radar station
July 20262,883 kmOmsk refinery

A note on how we built that, because it matters. Published strike distances are not measured the same way. Some are straight-line from the nearest border, some are the flight distance actually flown, some are from the launch point. Measured consistently from one point, the deepest verified strike of 2023 is shallower than 2022’s — the apparent smooth yearly progression is partly an artefact of mixed baselines. So the rings show cumulative demonstrated reach, all computed from Kyiv, rather than a year-by-year record we would have had to invent.

On that mapping, 161 of the 179 million tonnes a year of refining capacity we plotted — about 90% — sits inside the July 2026 ring. Only Achinsk and Angarsk, both deep in Siberia, fall outside it.

What the strikes have actually done

Here the sourcing has to be separated carefully, because three very different kinds of claim get quoted interchangeably.

SourceClaimWhat it is
Ukraine’s General Staff42.7% of Russian refining capacity disabledA belligerent’s claim
Independent analysts20–40% of capacity affectedThird-party estimate
IEACrude processing cut by ~500,000 barrels a dayThird-party measurement
Energy AspectsRefinery runs at 3.91 million b/d in July 2026Third-party measurement

The Ukrainian figure sits above the independent range. That does not make it false, but it is the number a party to the war is putting forward, and it should not be quoted as though it were an audit.

The independent measurements are the ones worth holding on to. Energy Aspects puts Russian refinery runs in July 2026 at 3.91 million barrels a day — the lowest since March 2005, and more than 1.4 million below July 2025.

There is a second, quieter finding in that figure. The IEA had projected Russian processing at just under 5 million barrels a day through June 2026, recovering toward 5.4 million after that. The actual July number came in well below the level the recovery was supposed to start from. The damage has outlasted the forecast.

The evidence that is hardest to spin

Damage claims are contested. Policy is not. And Moscow’s own decisions over the past few months describe the situation more honestly than any statement from either capital:

  • A ban on petrol exports, running to the end of July.
  • A ban on diesel exports from 8 July 2026 — for one of the world’s largest diesel exporters.
  • Fuel imports. Russia began buying in fuel to cover domestic supply.
  • Ration coupons at petrol stations during the worst of the shortages.
  • Record wholesale petrol prices on the domestic exchange.
  • Damper subsidies holding pump prices roughly 30 roubles a litre below market, at a cost running to billions of roubles a month.

An oil superpower that bans fuel exports and starts importing fuel is not making a claim. It is making a disclosure. No press release accompanies it, and it cannot be dismissed as enemy propaganda, because Russia is the one doing it. If you want a single measure of whether the campaign is working, that list is a better one than any percentage.

What it has not done

This is where most coverage of the campaign overreaches, in both directions.

Most drones do not arrive. Ukraine’s largest strike-drone manufacturer produces on the order of 100 FP-1s a day, and only about one in ten is reported to reach its target. The campaign works by volume, not precision — a fact that sits awkwardly alongside descriptions of surgical deep strikes.

Lost refining does not mean lost revenue. Crude that cannot be processed at home gets exported instead. Russian seaborne crude exports rebounded to around 3.8 million barrels a day in late April — roughly 500,000 above the 2023–25 average. The campaign is displacing Russian earnings from refined products into crude, not simply deleting them.

Russia adapts on paper as well as in the field. One measure allowed lower-grade Euro-3 petrol to be sold as Euro-5, which released volumes into the domestic market that would otherwise have left the country as petrochemical feedstock. It is not a repair, but it buys time.

And the headline economic number is not the drones’ doing. Russian oil and gas budget revenue fell 38.3% year on year in January–April 2026, to 2.298 trillion roubles. That is a striking figure and it is regularly attached to the drone campaign. It should not be: reporting attributes the fall mainly to oil prices in preceding periods. The drones are a real cost, but they are not the reason that particular number collapsed. Conflating the two is the single most common error in coverage of this story — and it is the same trap as reading a shipping chokepoint as the whole oil market, which we went through in detail in our look at the Strait of Hormuz.

Refineries also come back. Throughput has fallen below 4 million barrels a day after a wave of strikes and then recovered past 4.5 million before the next one. The Ryazan refinery has been attacked around fifteen times and is still in the story. What has genuinely changed is repair time: complex units need imported parts, and sanctions make those slow.

The war in the other direction

Any account of this that only runs one way is incomplete.

UkraineRussia
Long-range strike drones~200 a day claimed by its largest maker (March 2026)~110,000 planned for 2026 — about 60,000 strike, 50,000 decoy
Daily launch rateNot publishedAveraged ~135 Shahed/Geran a day in March 2026
Direction of effortRefining, energy and military-industrial sitesUkrainian cities, energy grid and infrastructure

Russia’s programme is larger in units. Ukraine’s is aimed at a narrower and more economically concentrated target set. They are not the same campaign with the roles reversed, and comparing raw drone counts obscures that.

So what is actually being reshaped?

Not the front line. Nothing about refinery throughput in Omsk moves a trench in Donetsk this month.

What has changed is cost structure and attention. Russia is now paying — in export earnings foregone, in subsidies to hold down pump prices, in imported fuel, in air defence that has to cover an area the size of a continent rather than a border. A drone reported at around $50,000 that forces a response costing many multiples of that, repeatedly, is a different kind of pressure from territorial advance. It does not win a war. It changes what the war costs to keep running.

The honest summary is narrower than either side would like. Ukraine has demonstrated it can reach nearly all of Russia’s refining base and has driven processing to a two-decade low. It has not broken the Russian oil sector, it has not collapsed Russian revenue, and most of its drones never arrive. Both of those things are true at once, and the reporting that picks one is the reporting to distrust.

Frequently asked questions

How far can Ukrainian drones reach into Russia?

The deepest verified strike is the Omsk refinery on 6 July 2026, about 2,500 km beyond the border and 2,883 km from Kyiv. Ukraine’s military intelligence has claimed a capability of up to 3,500 km, but that is a stated capability rather than a demonstrated strike.

How much of Russia’s refining capacity has been hit?

Independent analysts estimate roughly 20–40% affected. Ukraine’s General Staff has claimed 42.7%. The most concrete third-party measurement is that refinery runs fell to 3.91 million barrels a day in July 2026, the lowest since March 2005.

Is Russia running out of fuel?

It has had serious shortages. Russia banned petrol exports, banned diesel exports from 8 July 2026, began importing fuel, saw ration coupons appear at some stations and record wholesale prices. That is severe strain rather than collapse, and it has eased and returned in waves as refineries are repaired and struck again.

Have Ukraine’s strikes cut Russia’s oil revenue?

Less than the headline numbers suggest. Oil and gas budget revenue fell 38.3% year on year in January–April 2026, but that is attributed mainly to oil prices. Crude exports have partly replaced lost refined-product exports, so the campaign displaces earnings more than it erases them.

Do most long-range drones hit their targets?

No. Only around one in ten is reported to reach its target. The campaign is built on cheap volume rather than accuracy.

Which Russian refineries are still out of range?

On our mapping, Achinsk and Angarsk — both deep in Siberia — fall outside the reach demonstrated as of July 2026. Every other major refinery we plotted is inside it.

How we verified this
This is an active war and both governments have obvious reasons to overstate. We have therefore separated three tiers of evidence in the text and label them as we go: belligerent claims, independent analyst estimates, and Moscow’s own policy actions. Ukraine’s General Staff figure of 42.7% of Russian refining capacity disabled is reported as a Ukrainian military claim and noted as sitting above the independent range of roughly 20–40%. Processing figures come from the IEA and from Energy Aspects, neither of which is a party to the war. The range map is our own calculation, not a reproduction of any published map: published strike distances are not measured on a common baseline — Pskov 2023 is reported at about 700 km but is 827 km from Kyiv, and the Omsk report states the drone likely flew more than 3,000 km for a 2,500 km straight-line distance — so we computed every distance from a single point and say so on the chart, and the rings show cumulative demonstrated reach rather than per-year records, because on a common baseline 2023’s deepest verified strike is shallower than 2022’s. National borders and coastlines on the map are Natural Earth 110m data, projected through the same calculation as everything else on it. Refinery capacities are from company and industry sources and cover the plants mapped, not all of Russia; the Kirishi figure is for the complex and the Nizhnekamsk marker covers TANECO only, with the separate TAIF-NK plant in the same city not counted. One correction of a common conflation: Russian oil and gas budget revenue fell 38.3% year on year in January–April 2026, but reporting attributes that mainly to oil prices in preceding periods, so we do not present it as a result of the drone campaign. We have deliberately not mapped or discussed commercial logistics and warehousing sites: they have not been struck, no source reviewed treats them as part of this campaign, and plotting unstruck civilian infrastructure against strike range would serve no journalistic purpose.